Catesby M. 1729-32/1754/1771. The natural history of Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama islands,
etc.
The image "were the bird is reversed" alluded to by Mark above (Fig. 4 in the paper) appears to have been Catesby's original watercolour (which was used as a model for the published plate).
This work went through at least three editions in the 18th C, of which a number of scans can be found online -
1) 1729-32
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The Biodiversity Heritage Library works collaboratively to make biodiversity literature openly available to the world as part of a global biodiversity community.
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The Biodiversity Heritage Library works collaboratively to make biodiversity literature openly available to the world as part of a global biodiversity community.
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gdz.sub.uni-goettingen.de
2) 1754
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3) 1771
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The natural history of Carolina, Florida and the Bahama Islands [...] Volume the first [3.ª ed.]
bibdigital.rjb.csic.es
dc.lib.unc.edu
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The bird was here called "MUSCICAPA FUSCA.
The little brown Fly-Catcher. Petit Preneur de Mouches brun."
The 1771 copy in the very last link above is oddly coloured -- much brighter than others, including other 1771 copies, and in some cases using colours departing strongly from what is seen in all other copies. (E.g., the cap of the Osprey on plate 2 is largely brown instead of largely white as in all other copies, the spots on the primaries of the Merlin on table 3 are bright red, which they were not in any of the other copies, etc.) I can provide no certain explanation to this, but I suspect this copy had originally been left uncoloured, and was coloured at some (much ?) later date. In the paper, it is argued (based on this sole copy) that "The colourists of the third edition apparently attempted to reconcile the composite characters of Linnaeus (1766) and Catesby (1731) by giving the ‘little brown Fly-catcher’ a white supercilium (Fig. 6)." The fact that other 3rd-ed copies do not agree with this one in this respect suggests that this is an unjustified assumption.
Setting this particular copy aside, comparing copies shows that the strength and length of the pale superciliary area on this bird varies somewhat between them -- even between copies of the first edition (which is not really unexpected given the colouring was made by hand). (E.g., the third 1st-ed copy linked above may have the most prominent supercilium; the wingbar may also be slightly more prominent in this copy.) The general tones of the plate vary also to some extent from copy to copy (which may also in part come from the age of the books). (A yellowish hue is quite perceptible on the bird's underparts in the second 1st-ed copy linked above, more so than in the other three; the vireo appears also a bit brighter green in this copy.)
In the paper, it is argued that Catesby's bird cannot be safely identified from an Eastern Phoebe. Although Catesby's plate, taken in isolation, might possibly not be safely identifiable, this plate can of course not be considered without its associated text, which states explicitly that the lower mandible was yellow. (This cannot be seen on the plate, because only the upper mandible is shown there.) This character excludes Eastern Phoebe, and is actually accepted in the paper as achieving this for the hypothetical syntype which, we are told, Brisson would have used : why, then, doesn't it exclude Eastern Phoebe for Catesby's bird too ? Incidentally, Catesby illustrated what I would regard as a fairly obvious Eastern Phoebe (with unmarked wing, both mandibles black) on the immediately preceding plate (plate 53) of his work : he was apparently well aware of the differences between the two species.
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Klein JT. 1750. Historiae avium prodromus,
etc.
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The bird was here called "L
VSCINIA, M
VSCICAPA F
VSCA; the little brown Fly Catcher; petit Preneur de mouches brun".
This was provided with a reference to Catesby, p. 54, and a descriptive sentence that was probably entirely derived from Catesby's text and plate, indeed. This descriptive sentence included white fringes in the wings and a yellow lower mandible (but no white supercilia).
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Brisson MJ. 1760. Ornithologie ou méthode contenant la division des oiseaux en ordres, sections, genres, especes & leurs variétés.
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Here the bird was called "Le Gobe-mouche cendré de la Caroline", "Muscicapa carolinensis cinerea", and Brisson provides references to Klein and Catesby.
As is noted in the paper, all the species that Brisson had seen himself had their name marked in this work with a double asterisk. The paper cites Allen 1910 for this assertion, but the actual source is, of course, Brisson himself in the
Préface to the first volume of his work:
t.1 (1760) - Ornithologie, ou, Méthode contenant la division des oiseaux en ordres, sections, genres, especes & leurs variétés - Biodiversity Heritage Library . The present species received no asterisk. Additionally, Brisson usually indicated the source of the specimens for the species he had seen at the end of his species accounts; for the present species no such indication was provided.
Brisson's species accounts followed a standardized plan, and they
always started with measurements (this is explicit in the
Préface as well
t.1 (1760) - Ornithologie, ou, Méthode contenant la division des oiseaux en ordres, sections, genres, especes & leurs variétés - Biodiversity Heritage Library ). This also included
all the accounts of species which Brisson had not seen, and for which no measurements had been published : in these cases the only reasonable interpretation is that Brisson
guessed the measurements he provided, based on the info he had at hand, and the experience he had of similar species.
In the paper, it is argued that Brisson must have had a syntype, because he provided measurements and despite his work indicated he had none; this is, I'm afraid, pure fantasy. The idea that this fantasized syntype could then be identified as an
Empidonax, based on Brisson's guessed measurements departing from the actual measurements of Eastern Wood-Pewee, rests on nothing at all.
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Linné C a. 1766. Systema naturae,
etc. Edicio duodecima, reformata.
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Here the bird was called
Muscicapa virens. The only reference provided was to Brisson (but this of course represented indirect reference to Klein and Catesby, whom Brisson cited).
Linnaeus' diagnosis was extremely limited, merely reading "M. fusco-virens, subtus lutea, superciliis albis" = brown-green Flycatcher, yellow below, with white supercilia. The last character may indeed have been added in error (having been taken inadvertently from another description), but it can't really be safely excluded that it represented Linnaeus' own interpretation of (the particular copy he had seen of) Catesby's plate. Whichever it was, if Linnaeus' account was entirely derivative, and as he only cited Brisson, I think it is at best questionable that this should be regarded as making the base of his
Muscicapa virens composite. (And if this base really had to be regarded as composite, designating Catesby's bird as lectotype -- a historically much less disruptive action than a neotypification -- would have solved the problem.)
What was the actual "exceptional need" that justified designating a neotype (= rewriting history) for this name ?